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The economist democracy index
economist intelligence unit report 2020
New Delhi, May 26 (EFE) – Indian economist, academic and philosopher Amartya Kumar Sen, winner of the Princess of Asturias Award for Social Sciences on Wednesday, has earned a place in history after receiving the 1998 Nobel Prize in Economics for his work on hunger and poverty.
More than two decades later, the claim of this son of a university chemistry professor is still valid: with a PhD from the British University of Cambridge in 1959, he has taught in India, the United Kingdom and the United States.
It was a progressive school where he received his early training, with a special emphasis on the cultural and religious diversity of an India that had not yet gone through the trauma of Partition after its independence from the British Empire in 1947.
These values of justice in social inclusion have guided some of Sen’s more philosophical work, as has his direct experience of the Bengal famine of 1943, which claimed the lives of between two and three million people.
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Economic Democracy is a philosophical and political movement that suggests the transfer of decision-making power from a minority of stockholders or entrepreneurs to the majority of stakeholders, giving greater importance to society as opposed to markets and a political system of direct democracy, often referred to collectively as inclusive democracy.[1] The term was popularized by American economist J. W. Smith, who formed the Economic Democracy Institute.
The term was popularized by the American economist J. W. Smith, who formed the Institute for Economic Democracy.[2] However, his ideas are based on earlier ones, such as those of C.H. Douglas, Karl Polanyi, Henry George and even Adam Smith and Karl Marx. Other modern theorists of economic democracy include David Schweickart and Richard C. Cook. In addition, a variety of authors and positions that can be broadly defined as supporters of sustainable economics hold views congruent with the proposal.
Proponents of the theory agree that current conditions of economic instability or insecurity (see precarization) tend to make it difficult, or even impossible, for society at large to earn sufficient income to consume the total output of that society. [3] The increasing monopolistic control by either companies or the State over common goods typically produces a situation of “artificial scarcity”, resulting in a socio-economic imbalance that restricts the access of the majority to economic opportunities and decreases the purchasing power of incomes in general,[4][5] which
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Despite two decades of social policies against poverty and inequality, Latin America remains one of the most economically unequal regions in the world. Recurrent protests motivated by economic grievances have been a regular reminder of this reality. The current health crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic has disproportionately harmed already vulnerable populations, reversing some of the progress that has been made. At the same time, democracy has taken root in the region and participation in elections is increasing. So why hasn’t democracy been more effective in addressing persistent inequality in Latin America?
Research shows that voters are not getting their demands for greater redistribution heard, while governments are not implementing redistributive policies at the desired pace. The reasons are unequal political participation, institutional bias against redistribution and vote buying. Until these impediments are removed, the impact of democracy on inequality will remain limited.
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The most recent Transparency International report places El Salvador as one of the countries with high levels of corruption and ranks it as an example of “alarming concentration of power” and “irregularities during the pandemic”, while local analysts consider that this represents a stagnation in the fight against this scourge in the country.
In terms of the CPI average, El Salvador obtained a score of 36, a score it shares with Albania, Algeria, Ivory Coast, Kosovo, Thailand and Vietnam. For reference, the best qualified countries were Denmark and New Zealand, both with 88 points and in position one of the ranking.
In addition, he said that governments “have an obligation to allow civil society organizations and the press to act as watchdogs that observe and hold politicians and businessmen accountable”.
Funde clarified yesterday that in the 2020 report Transparency International did not add what happened on February 9, when President Nayib Bukele entered the Legislative Assembly with military and police. They said that this will be studied in the next report and that it could affect the current score.